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Link to photo album: Top cover duties: on a Combat Logistic Patrol (resupply convoy) to FOB Shawqat, Nadi-Ali. June 2012.

Introduction

In April 2012 I deployed to Helmand, Afghanistan an idealistic British soldier having believed the media narrative of the conflict we were engaged in there. 

Six months later I left Camp Bastion believing I had been party to a criminal enterprise managed by incompetent Generals, corrupt politicians and merciless profiteers. 

The aim of this criminal enterprise was profit and power - profit for the arms suppliers, logistics contractors, military contractors, etc and power for the Generals and politicians dishing out these £££ billion contracts. It was a criminal enterprise run with absolutely no regard to the stated mission and without any regard to the cost in blood, misery or suffering - regardless of whether that blood was British, American, Afghan, military or civilian.

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Link to report: The airfield guard towers that fifteen heavily armed Talbiban walked between on 14th September 2012

Even the UK Ministry of Defence described the British military command in Afghanistan as:

arrogant, needy and slow


The British
Ambassador to Kabul described the military command as: 

suffering a massive act of collective self-deception"


parliamentary committee review of actions in Helmand concluded the ministry of defence were:

obstructive and unhelpful to us as we tried to establish the facts


Perhaps the most damning and accurate indictment comes from a Mother whose son, a US Marine Lieutenant Colonel, was killed because of our criminal incompetence: 

Dodging blame is the only concern of UK military leaders


narrow opium view

Link to report: Opium harvesting under British protection, 200-metres from Camp Bastion fence


The man possibly best qualified to judge is Frank Lewidge. As a former army officer, campaign veteran, the acclaimed author of ‘Investment in Blood’, and a Barrister, he has:



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My Intended Actions

My intention is to seek genuine accountability of the most senior command, military and political, who I beleive to have acted criminally, breaking military law, civilian law and international law.

I believe I can prove systematic dereliction of duty by the most senior command, a criminal and duplicitous complicity in the production of a Class A drug, formal orders that amounted to War crimes, endemic corruption and a deliberate and concerted effort by all levels of military and government to coverup these accusations.

The international criminal court has accepted my allegations of receiving orders to commit War crimes as additional evidence to an existing case they are already investigating. It appears these criminal orders were standard operating proceedure for British forces throughout our occupation of Helmand. The British royal military police (RMP) are currently considering seven-charges against the most senior British command, based on evidence and testimony I have submitted. 

These charges and allegations were published by the House of Lords commissioner for standards and interests in February 2017 in her report titled The conduct of Lord Richards of Herstmonceux’.

Lord Richards (he is actually only a Baron) was compelled to apologise after making a speech in the House of Lords in November 2016 asking for the retrospective disapplication of Human Rights laws to British military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. This apology was on account of a complaint I had submitted to the House of Lords commissioner against the Baron.


Author and Photographer, Anthony C Heaford. On top cover duties in Nadi-Ali, June 2012

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© Anthony C Heaford 2016